Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF). About the party. Brief information

Plan:

1. Introduction.

2. Founding date of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

3. Initiators.

4. The main slogan of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the motto “For Victory”.

5. Goals of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

6. Principles of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

8. Tactics of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

9. Election headquarters.

10. We are the future of the country!

11. Blocks and close contacts.

12. Chairman of the Communist Party faction.

13. Chairmen in government bodies.

15. List of used literature.

1. Introduction.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is one of the most influential parties in the Russian Federation. But at the same time, it remains one of the games not fully revealed for me, and for many others. Very few articles and very few books have been written about the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. And all the books that have been written and are accessible to the common reader were written by persons who are directly or indirectly related to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Well, what can a writer who stands on the side of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation write? Naturally, no matter how critical he is, he cannot say anything that would fundamentally change people’s attitude towards the policies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in a negative direction. All the articles I have read show only the positive sides of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. They say very little about the history of the development and formation of the political leaders of the party. With difficulty I was able to find Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov on the global computer network Internet. But everything was said there abstractly and not clearly. I could not find articles that would sharply and clearly criticize the activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Also, in all the articles there is hidden propaganda, everywhere they say how good we are or what a good party the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is, that if it comes to power, then everyone will immediately have a good and easy life. I would like to see an independent point of view. There is practically no need to talk about the relevance of analyzing everything in possible political parties. After all, our vast homeland of Russia has elections ahead in which we will have to choose our representatives in the State Duma and choose our president. Who will guide us. And with such a motley variety of political parties. And you simply can’t do it without outside help. It’s easy to get confused in the pre-election race of political parties. They stretch their webs, woven from truth and lies, and all this is presented in the form of beautiful promises, some of which are simply impossible to fulfill even if some miracle occurs. The novelty of the topic is a new look, new understanding, interpretation. And what could be newer than our future, but our fate directly depends on who exactly we choose, who we follow and who we give our votes to. Novelty and relevance are linked to each other! The main tasks of my work are to consider and present the Communist Party of the Russian Federation exactly as it really is. Consider the activities of the party, its principles and objectives.

2. Founding date of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

Founded in June 1990. Registered by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation on March 24, 1993, registration number 1618.

On June 11, 1998, changes and additions to the charter were registered in accordance with new legal requirements (obtaining the status of a political public organization to participate in the 1999 elections).

3. Initiators

The initiators of the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (as part of the CPSU) were anti-reformist members of the CPSU (delegates to the 28th Congress of the CPSU), representing a number of regional organizations of the CPSU and its central leadership, united in the Initiative Movement of Communists of the RSFSR. On June 19-20, 1990, they convened the Russian Party Conference, which decided to transform it into the Constituent Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. Among the initiators were: Polozkov I.K., O.S. Shenin, Zyuganov G.A., Kuptsov V.A. and etc.

After the events of August 1991, by decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991, the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR were suspended and then terminated (by decree of November 6, 1991), the central bodies were dissolved, and the property was transferred to the state. During this period, the communists split into two camps: some began to create new communist parties, others defended the right to restore the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The latter appealed to the Constitutional Court of the RSFSR (CC) with a request about the constitutionality of the presidential decree. In October 1992, the Constitutional Court confirmed the legality of the actions of the party's primary organizations and their right to create new central governing bodies.

In November 1992, the Organizing Committee (consisting of 68 people) was formed to prepare the 2nd (extraordinary) Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. The decision to create the Organizing Committee was made at a meeting of the Political Consultative and Coordination Council of Communists of the RSFSR, consisting of representatives of the left and communist parties that emerged from the ruins of the CPSU: the Russian Communist Workers' Party, the Socialist Party of Workers, the Russian Party of Communists, the Union of Communists and a number of regional parties and organizations. The Chairman of the Organizing Committee was V.A. Kuptsov. Among the most active members of the Organizing Committee were: V.I. Zorkaltsev, A.V. Kryuchkov, I.P. Osadchy, S.N. Petrov, I.P. Rybkin, G.I. Sklyar and B. Slavin. Several main groupings of communists prevailed in the organizing committee: the old leaders of the CPSU Central Committee and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation; came from the Socialist Workers' Party, part of the Russian Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which was later constituted as the Leninist Platform in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The RCRP and the All-Union Communist Party of the Russian Federation accused the organizers of social-democratic deviation and refused to join the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The restoration congress of the Communist Party took place in February 1993.

4. The main slogan of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is the motto “For Victory!”

“Order in the country, prosperity in the house! “The Communist Party of the Russian Federation sees three main goals.

1. Save the Russian people from extinction;

2. Strengthen the state integrity and unity of the country;

3. Overcome economic devastation.

To solve these problems, it is necessary to return the property stolen from them to the people. Place strategically important sectors of the economy under state control. Restore social and economic human rights: work, leisure, affordable housing, free secondary and higher education, medical care, social security. Open to view the creative energy, initiative and entrepreneurship of all citizens. Restore traditional allied ties in the international arena. To ensure favorable external conditions for free labor and independent development of Russia.

Russia is still fabulously rich. We just need to be able to manage what we have in a good way.

Having come to power, the patriotic Movement “For Victory!” “ will begin by taking the following measures:

1. We will carry out constitutional reforms, the essence of which is to increase the responsibility of the authorities to the people. The Constitution will become a reliable guarantee of the rights and freedoms of citizens, a barrier to arbitrariness, and basic political stability.

2. We will pay off shares of salaries, pensions, benefits and scholarships. We will supply every home with light and heat, hot meals and textbooks for every schoolchild, and medicines for every hospital.

3. We will reduce tariffs for fuel, energy and transport. Let's ease the tax burden. We will create favorable conditions for domestic producers of all forms of ownership to expand production. Let's end unemployment. Production and wages will rise steadily; prices will stabilize

4. We will stop the robbery of the village. Let's restore price parity. We will establish the production of modern equipment. Let us support various forms of farming on the earth. We will not allow the theft of public property - agricultural lands.

5. We will stop the crazy leapfrog in the government. We will involve all private professionals who have a heart for Russia in this matter. We will ensure an influx of talented young people at all levels of management.

6. We will restore independent bodies of people's control over the work of the state party. Let's reduce the bloated staff of officials. We will implement a mechanism for recalling ministers and deputies of all levels who have not lived up to the trust of citizens.

7. We will push all extreme people to the margins of politics. No one will be allowed to incite social, national and religious hatred. Violate freedom of speech. Desecrate our great history. To mock patriotic feelings.

8. We will ensure the state unity of the country. We will create a reliable economic base for local self-government. Enterprises and commercial organizations will pay taxes in the regions where they actually operate, and not at the place of formal registration.

9. We will suppress crime and provide law enforcement agencies with everything necessary to combat crime. The prosecutor's office will cease to be a toy in the hands of thieving oligarchs. The courts will become independent and impartial.

10. We will bring to trial all high-profile cases against high-ranking swindlers siphoning money stolen from the people to foreign banks.

11. We will restore the authority, the sanctity of the home, the dignity of a woman - the mother of a woman - a worker. The protection of motherhood and childhood, support for war and labor veterans, assistance to orphans and the disabled will again become a priority of state policy.

12. We will establish justice and equality in the field of national relations. Let's protect the culture, language, beliefs and customs of all peoples of Russia

13. We will put an end to the Russophobic practices of the regime. The Russian people, today humiliated and slandered, expelled from culture, the press and government, will find their rightful place in all spheres of public and state life.

14. We will remove all obstacles to the unification of Russia, Belarus and Ukraine into a single union state. Let us gather all fraternal peoples under the common sky of the Motherland.

15. We will revive our defense capability, strange ones. We will provide Russia with reliable external and internal security. The army will again become the people's favorite.

For honest work and prosperity.

For the restoration of justice.

For returning the wealth stolen from them to the people.

For the honor and dignity of the great Russian people.

For international peace and harmony.

For the merciless fight against crime and corruption.

For the victory of Russia.

Our cause is just, victory will be ours!

5. Goals of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

Firstly, saving the people. Elimination of brutal genocide. Ending the demographic catastrophe. Revival of an effective health care and public education system.

Secondly, the return to the people of the plundered property of the country. Restoring social justice. Approval of state control over strategic sectors of the economy. Ensuring an adequate standard of living for all Russians.

Thirdly, the assembly of lands. Recreation of a single union state. A single fraternal family of peoples. A single geopolitical space of continental Eurasia. The highest goal was and remains to build a just society - a solid foundation for prosperity. Great Russia in the coming millennium. In this society there will be no beggars and hungry, homeless and unemployed.

6. Principles of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

The strategy of our movement is based on the principles of justice, sovereignty, democracy, spirituality and patriotism.

Justice is the opportunity for everyone to realize their talents. Work for everyone. Prospects for youth. Family well-being. Respect for personal dignity and honest work. Happy childhood and prosperous old age. Everything that the criminal regime deprived us of.

Sovereignty is state power combined with paternal severity and care. Priority of national interests over clan ones. The special responsibility of the state to society and the people.

Democracy is the power of the majority of the people and for the people. The power of conscience and law is the basis of civil peace and harmony. The main condition for free creation and creativity.

Spirituality is the desire to realize the highest human ideals and folk shrines.

Patriotism is a high sacred feeling. Putting the general interests of the Fatherland above personal and private ones. Readiness for self-sacrifice.

7. The program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation for the economic recovery of the country.

(some points)

1. First of all, it is necessary to rid enterprises of accumulated debts. Penalties and fines should be canceled completely, since the main culprit for their formation is the state, which created conditions under which enterprises were not able to operate profitably and pay taxes (inflation, non-payments, high taxation, repeatedly inflated tariffs for electricity and rail transportation, etc. ) Directly for the position of enterprises in the budgets of all levels to be restructured at a later date to clarify the reasons for its formation. After a thorough audit, it must also be written off, with the exception of the identified factors of theft and embezzlement, for which specific culprits must answer. In cases where enterprises are “on the shelf,” most of the workers have been fired, and the shares have fallen into the hands of managers who have usurped power, such enterprises must be nationalized - to pay off debts to the state or for other reasons identified during the inspection process.

2. To purchase raw materials, supplies and components, without which enterprises will not be able to even begin to operate normally. It is necessary to provide preferential lending to enterprises, with the right to spend funds only for these purposes. Inflation and other reasons mentioned above, including the plunder legalized by the regime. The goals of enterprises are turnover of funds and the state should help with this. Restoring reverse funds, in our opinion, is of paramount importance; this is the link in the reverse chain of relationships between enterprises that will resolve many issues. The monastic policy of the ruling regime, in which the lack of goods in stores, the population's need for them, the lack of money supply in the country and curbing the growth of inflation. It gave rise to general insolvency of enterprises and destroyed the monetary and financial system. According to calculations by experts published in the press, at present. The money supply is only 10% - 15% of the value of the commodity supply. Without restoring the balance of the value of the money and commodity supply, it is not possible to restore monetary and financial relations and the normal operation of enterprises. This is where preferential lending is needed. In order to prevent the collapse of the ruble and inflation, preferential lending must begin with enterprises that can quickly restore production.

3. Considering that energy costs and railway transportation account for a large share in the cost of manufacturing most types of products, it is necessary to significantly (several times) reduce tariffs on them and bring them under strict state control. The rise in prices for energy resources and rail transportation significantly outpaced the rise in prices for other goods. As a result, the products of domestic manufacturers became unprofitable and uncompetitive, which was one of the main reasons for the shutdown of enterprises.

4. Particular attention should be paid to the director’s corps. Directors who could not stand the test of unlimited power and succumbed to the temptation of personal enrichment through the robbery of collectives and the ruin of enterprises. Should be suspended. Only true patriots of the Motherland will be able to restore the destroyed production.

5. In order to eliminate further theft and make the work of enterprises more transparent and verifiable, it is necessary to liquidate the current accounts of small subsidiaries and other related structures; the enterprise must have one current account and all financial transactions must be carried out through it.

6. It is necessary to restore multi-level control over the work of enterprises, including national enterprises. The introduction of strict control over all income and expenses will stop theft and waste.

7. The salaries of managers should be controlled by the state and depend on the performance of enterprises and the average salary of the team they manage.

8. It is necessary to protect domestic producers from external interference of goods. For imported products similar to those produced in our country, customs duties should be increased. To make it profitable for the buyer to buy domestic goods.

8. Tactics of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

To overcome the crisis. To all patriotic forces of Russia. It is not the top political leaders who need to unite, but a broad national unification that will save the country. This will not be easy to do. The regime is rapidly afraid of the unification of patriots. They are trying to split us. Play on the ambitions of leaders. They use personal grievances and dirty bribery. But we will be wise and patient. Let's not give in to provocations. On the eve of the elections, political forces are regrouping at an unprecedented pace. Almost every day political alliances arise and fall apart. In such a situation, voters may become confused. Therefore, it is extremely important to convey to them a clear understanding of whose interests the main parties and blocs express, often hiding openly anti-people content behind a euphonious name. On the right edge there are two “former parties” “Union of Right Forces”

and NDR. There gathered completely bankrupt politicians who had earned a reputation in the country as thugs and traitors. “The Union of Right Forces” of Chubais - Kiriyenko represents the bourgeoisie and its overseas patrons. The NDR is the party of “nomenklatura capitalism, the political roof of the oil and gas barons who amassed huge fortunes in the years of timelessness. The “Fatherland - All Russia” bloc claims to be the new “party of power”. This exotic alliance of Moscow bosses with “moderate” separatists is designed to serve the interests of privileged regions and big capital. Feeling the narrowness of their social base, they try to expand it through the personal authority of famous political figures. But how would this authority not suffer from being in such a company... “Yabloko” today is increasingly disguised under social democratic slogans. Trying to hide openly pro-American positions from voters. “Yabloko” plays a very important role for the current government, the “cover party,” calling itself the “democratic opposition.” They are trying to convince voters that the root of all current troubles is the personal shortcomings of the “reformers.” And the course of murderous reforms in itself is completely correct and only needs some “adjustment”... Zhirinovsky became the personification of the regime and its main ideologist. This is a “servant” of all masters, sometimes a democrat, sometimes a nationalist, sometimes just a hooligan. Now he is actively used as a provocateur, voicing crazy ideas. About the ban on the Communist Party, the introduction of a state of emergency in the country and the abolition of elections, etc. The interests of the grassroots, the despair of the broad working masses are protected by the parties on the left side of the political spectrum. Our party has always entered parliamentary elections with not only communists in its ranks, but also representatives of other organizations and movements. Party organizations and our allies proposed 447 candidates for the bloc's federal list, of which, as a result of the painstaking work of the Central Committee Personnel Commission and thorough inter-party consultations, it is recommended to nominate 270 candidates, the maximum number determined by law. Of these, a fifth are deputies of the State Duma. Our allies are also widely represented in the bloc. 37 people were nominated by the Agrarian-Industrial Union, the agrarian trade union and the agrarian deputy group, 11 people were nominated by the Movement in Support of the Army, 10 people represented the All-Russian Women's Movement, 32 people were nominated by the organization of Russian scientists of socialist orientation. Our list also includes representatives of the Spiritual Heritage movement of the Orthodox-patriotic movement, veteran organizations, societies for the disabled, etc. This personnel composition will allow us to solve high-level problems in nominating candidates in single-mandate constituencies. Now it is necessary to convey our position to voters through intensive, mass explanatory work.

9. Election headquarters.

Election headquarters will have to:

1. Organize studies of all the nuances of election legislation relating to the rules of campaigning and propaganda.

2. Make the most effective use of documents and recommendations of the central headquarters according to the methods of agitation and propaganda work.

3. Show initiative in finding and using new forms of campaigning through the Internet, Winners’ clubs, etc.

4. Increase the effectiveness of propaganda work through the efforts of its targeting.

In the propaganda struggle, we must not forget about such a formidable weapon, which was forged by the party in the process of Yeltsin’s impeachment. The materials on the vote for impeachment are available in full. The task is to convey the candidates’ position to every voter. It is necessary to rely on the help of volunteer assistants in every city, village, microdistrict and quarter. They are the ones who should become the main conveyors of our position to every voter and convey to the people our priority steps. It is necessary to focus on explaining how we see a way out of today’s impasse, what and how they are going to do, what positive benefits each specific voter will receive from this: worker, peasant, teacher, doctor, warrior, scientist, entrepreneur, veteran, young man.

10. We are the future of the country!

Having resolutely taken on the revival of the country, we will not succumb to the temptation to redo everything at once. Every step we take will be verified and calculated from the point of view of its impact on the life of the common man, on the daily needs of the working masses. Our strategy is designed to create sustainable and reasonable “rules of the game” – common to everyone and mandatory for everyone. In solving many pressing problems, we will be able to rely on the rich experience of the Soviet era. But the Soviet legacy should serve as a basis for Russia to move decisively forward, and not to roll back. Not repeating the old path already traveled, but creatively using the experience of the Soviet Union, gained at enormous cost, as a reliable support for the construction of a new Great Russia - this is the only possible way out of the current crisis.

We are the country's future, not its past. We believe: A renewed Russia will regain its former greatness. Our people have not lost the ability to achieve great achievements. We, the sons and grandsons of the heroes of the front and rear, will be able to create conditions where no one can stop us from working freely. Own and control the fruits of your labor. Determine your own destiny. We have behind us the support and trust of tens of millions of Russians. Invaluable support for workers and peasants, scientists and engineers, doctors and teachers, writers and artists. Those who, with their hard work and talent, create all the values ​​on Earth. Relying on such support, we will definitely lead the country out of the crisis! Our main slogan is: “Order in the country means prosperity in the home!” “. Free people in a free country is our ideal. This is how we will build our Motherland - a prosperous world Power, a country of great Victory. Victories of consciousness after the destruction of the People's Brotherhood - over enmity and hatred, over betrayal. Freedom over slavery. Faith over despair, Justice over lawlessness.

11. Blocks and close contacts.

The leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation considers it an important achievement that over the years of its existence the party has managed to avoid extreme radicalism (to which individual party members were pushed). The Communist Party of the Russian Federation stands for the expansion of the union of communists, trade unions and nationally oriented capital. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation maintains the closest contacts with the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR), the Russian Communist Youth Union (RCYM), with the All-Russian socio-political movement "Spiritual Heritage" (DN), with the Union of Communist Parties - CPSU (SKP-KPSS), with The Agrarian Party of Russia (APR) and the Movement in Support of the Army (DPA).

NPSR: Created in August 1996 on the basis of a bloc of parties and movements that supported G.A. in the presidential elections of June-July 1996. Zyuganov. At the founding congress, G.A. was elected chairman of the union. Zyuganov, and co-chairs A.V. Rutskoy, A.M. Tuleyev. The members of the Presidium and Coordination Council of the NPSR included: V.A. Starodubtsev, N.I. Kondratenko, Yu.E. Lodkin, N.K. Maksyuta, A.G. Nazarchuk and others. The NPSR does not provide for fixed membership with special party cards. The NPSR included the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the APR as collective members.

The problem of creating a single left-patriotic bloc in the 1995 elections: In principle, the majority of communist parties advocated the creation of a bloc of “left forces”. However, this did not happen either during the 1995 election campaign or during the 1996 presidential campaign. The main reason, in addition to the ambitions of the political leaders of various communist parties, was the disagreement of radical communists with the erroneous “opportunistic policy” of the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. However, at the regional level, coalitions were often created on the initiative of local party organizations, especially since small communist parties and even the Republican Communist Party of the Russian Federation are forced to work in conjunction with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the regions due to the weakness of their organizational base.

During the election campaign, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation tried to go beyond its traditional electorate and attract patriotic voters to its side. Thus, the electoral bloc of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation included a non-communist organization - the All-Russian socio-political movement “Spiritual Heritage”. These trends intensified further during the presidential election campaign. The People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSU) was formed, which united about 200 different organizations, including the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. According to public opinion polls, the NPSR enjoys the support of 20-25% of the population, and in some regions - 30-35%.

The problem of creating a coalition in the 1999 elections: The leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation chose the tactic of speaking in the elections in “three columns” - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself, “radical patriots” and “enlightened patriots”. The choice of such tactics is due to the likelihood of holding elections under a new law (or presidential decree), which will open the way to the State Duma of the Russian Federation for parties and organizations capable of gaining up to 5% of the votes, the path to which was closed to the State Duma of the Russian Federation by the old law. Tactics may be changed after August 19, 1999, when such a decree is expected to be published.

The main goal of the “three columns” tactics is to ensure wider coverage of voters at the expense of those who, for one reason or another, will not vote for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The second task is to reduce the intensity of contradictions regarding the formation of the party list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which simply cannot accommodate all political allies without infringing on the interests of party functionaries.

The negative side of the chosen tactics is that the “side columns” may not get into the State Duma of the Russian Federation - the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has already worked out the mechanism for organizing elections, and the Democratic Party, for example, is participating in them for the first time. The threat of failure forces the “column leaders” to seek support from political rivals with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (for example, the APR consults with Yu. Luzhkov’s Fatherland), which, in turn, is fraught with the growth of political independence of former faithful comrades.

APR: Since its inception, the Agrarian Party has been one of the closest political allies of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. However, since the spring of 1999, centripetal tendencies prevailed in relations between them, due to rivalry during the election campaign in the State Duma of the Russian Federation. In fact, until the last moment, the APR was ready to enter into a close pre-election alliance with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but never received a concrete proposal - Zyuganov, who spoke as an honorary guest at the congress of the APR in March 1999, avoided the call to go to the elections together with the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. As a result, the offended farmers voted for independence. The leader of the APR explained this step by saying that the APR does not intend to “be on our knees and beg from someone to let us stay.” The deterioration of relations is accompanied by disparaging statements by some leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation towards the APR and its electoral capabilities.

DPA: Under the leadership of V. Ilyukhin, the DPA became the closest political ally of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. However, the election campaign somewhat upset this alliance - the DPA decided to go to the elections on its own, since joining the State Duma of the Russian Federation at the head of its own faction would open up tempting political prospects for the DPA leadership. The leaders of the organization rightly believe that they will be better able to mobilize in their support radical patriots who consider the position of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation on relations with the current authorities to be conciliatory. These people will not vote for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but will willingly vote for true patriots. However, without the organizational and financial support of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, it will be extremely difficult for the DPA to succeed, so V. Ilyukhin would not want to break off relations, proposing to go “in a separate line in a common column.” However, the final decision has been postponed until August and, in principle, the DPA can join the Communist Party of the Russian Federation bloc, subject to the provision of 40-60 seats in the future State Duma of the Russian Federation.

12. Chairman of the Communist Party faction.

Zyuganov Gennady Andreevich

Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF), Chairman of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSU), deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the second convocation - Chairman of the Communist Party faction.

Date of Birth

Place of Birth

With. Mymrino, Khotynetsky district (later administratively reassigned to Znamensky district), Oryol region.

Education

In 1969 he graduated from the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Oryol Pedagogical Institute (OrPI).

In 1980 he graduated from the main department of the Academy of Social Sciences under the CPSU Central Committee and graduate school at the Academy of Social Sciences. Candidate of Philosophical Sciences (1980). Doctor of Philosophical Sciences (1995).

short biography

1961-1962 - school teacher Mymrino (Oryol region).
1962-1963 and 1966-1969 - student at the Oryol Pedagogical Institute (OrPI).

1963-1966 – served in the Armed Forces.
1969-1970 - OrPI assistant. Chairman of the trade union committee and the Komsomol committee of the institute.

1970-1972 - head of the department, first secretary of the Factory district committee of the Komsomol (Orel), first secretary of the Oryol city committee of the Komsomol.
1972-1974 - First Secretary of the Oryol Regional Committee of the Komsomol.

1974-1978 - Secretary, Second Secretary of the Oryol City Committee of the CPSU.
1978-1980 - student of the Academy of Social Sciences under the CPSU Central Committee.
1980-1983 - Head of the Department of Propaganda and Agitation of the Oryol Regional Committee of the CPSU.

1983-1989 - instructor, responsible organizer, head of the sector of the Department of Propaganda and Agitation of the CPSU Central Committee.
1989-1990 - Deputy Head of the Ideological Department.
1990-1991 - Member of the Politburo, Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.
1991-1993 - Head of the group of the Institute of European Humanitarian Programs (JSC RAU-Corporation).
1993-1994 - Chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF),
since 1995 - Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

1993-1999 - Deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation of the first and second convocations - head of the Communist Party faction.
In the spring of 1996 he ran for president of Russia. In the second round of voting he lost to Boris Yeltsin.
Since August 1996 - Chairman of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia (NPSR).

Family status

Married. There is a son and a daughter.

13. Representatives in government bodies

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation has many of its representatives at all levels of government; only the pro-government movement “Our Home is Russia” can compete with it.

At the federal level: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is practically not represented in the leadership of the executive authorities of the Russian Federation (the Office of the President of the Russian Federation and the Government). During 1993-1997. its members did not take part in the work of executive authorities for reasons of principle. V. Kovalev, who was appointed to the post of Minister of Justice in Chernomyrdin’s cabinet in January 1995, was immediately expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction in the State Duma of the Russian Federation. However, since the end of 1997, a change in the attitude of the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation towards the government has become apparent and the possibility of participation of party representatives in the work of the coalition government began to be actively discussed.

In the legislative bodies of the Russian Federation (in the chambers of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation), the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is represented by a large (about 150 deputies) faction in the State Duma of the Russian Federation (for more details, see the section “Faction in the State Duma of the Russian Federation”). Party representative - G.N. Seleznev - in January 1996 he was elected Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation, another member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - Goryacheva S.P. - holds the post of Deputy Chairman of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. Party members head 9 committees of the State Duma of the Russian Federation: Lukyanov A.I. (Committee on Legislation and Judicial Reform), V.I. Varennikov. (Committee for Veterans Affairs), Melnikov I.I. (Committee on Education and Science), Aparina A.V. (Committee on Women, Family and Youth Affairs), Maslyukov Yu.D. (Committee on Economic Policy), Ilyukhin V.I. (Security Committee), Ivanchenko L.A. (Committee on Federation Affairs and Regional Policy), Zorkaltsev V.I. (Committee on Affairs of Public Associations and Religious Organizations), Sokolov A.S. (Committee on Tourism and Sports) and the Credentials Commission of the State Duma of the Russian Federation (Sevastyanov V.I.).

In the Federation Council of the Russian Federation, the party is represented by up to 70 deputies (actually members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and members of the NPSR), but there is no formal faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in this government body. Members of the Federation Council are members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: Belonogov Anatoly Nikolaevich (Head of the Administration of the Amur Region); Borodaev Valery Vasilievich (Chairman of the Astrakhan Regional Representative Assembly); Vinogradov Nikolay Vladimirovich (Head of the Administration of the Vladimir region); Volodin Nikolay Andreevich (Chairman of the Oryol Regional Duma); Kislitsyn Vyacheslav Alexandrovich (President of the Republic of Mari El); Korepanov Sergey Evgenievich (Chairman of the State Duma of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug); Lodkin Yuri Evgenievich (Head of the Administration of the Bryansk Region); Lyubimov Vyacheslav Nikolaevich (Head of the Administration of the Ryazan region); Maksyuta Nikolay Kirillovich (Head of the Administration of the Volgograd Region); Mashkovtsev Mikhail Borisovich (Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of the Kamchatka Region); Ponasov Stepan Nikolaevich (Chairman of the Bryansk Regional Duma); Ryabov Alexander Ivanovich (Head of the Administration of the Tambov Region); Starodubtsev Vasily Alexandrovich (Governor of the Tula region); Stepanov Viktor Nikolaevich (Chairman of the Government of the Republic of Karelia); Fedotkin Vladimir Nikolaevich (Chairman of the Ryazan Regional Duma); Filatov Alexander Alekseevich (Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of the Kemerovo region); Chernogorov Alexander Leonidovich (Governor of the Stavropol Territory); Shabanov Ivan Mikhailovich (Head of the Administration of the Voronezh Region); Shershunov Viktor Andreevich (Head of the Administration of the Kostroma Region); Shurchanov Valentin Sergeevich (Chairman of the State Council of Chuvashia), etc.

At the regional level: During the regional elections of 1996-1997. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation managed to appoint more than 40 of its representatives (or those who were elected with the support of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation) to the heads of executive power of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation, including: Head of the Administration of the Amur Region Belonogov A.N. (Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Head of Administration of the Bryansk Region Lodkin Yu.E. (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Governor of the Stavropol Territory Chernogorov A.L. (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Head of the Administration of the Volgograd Region Maksyuta N.K. (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Governor of the Tula region V.A. Starodubtsev (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), President of the Republic of Mari El Kislitsyn V.A. (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Head of the Administration of the Kostroma Region V.A. Shershunov (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Head of the Administration of the Voronezh Region Shabanov I.M. (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Head of the Administration of the Vladimir Region N.V. Vinogradov (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Head of the Administration of the Ryazan Region V.N. Lyubimov (member of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Head of the Administration of the Tambov Region A.I. Ryabov (Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Chairman of the Government of the Republic of Karelia V.N. Stepanov (Communist Party of the Russian Federation), Chairman of the State Council of the Chuvash Republic V.S. Shurchanov (CPRF), as well as: Gustov (NPSR), Sergeenkov (NPSR), Rutskoi (NPSR), Sudarenkov (NPSR), Surikov (NPSR), Bogomolov (NPSR), Kondratenko (NPSR), Sumin (NPSR), Bokovikov (NPSR ), Filipenko (NPSR), Ishaev (NPSR), Poluyanov (NPSR). In addition, a number of regional leaders were supported by the NPSR on the terms of the agreement: Gorbenko, Tsvetkov, Mikhailov, Bronevich, Evdokimov, Maleev.

A number of members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation were elected heads of the legislative bodies of the Russian Federation, including: Chairman of the Astrakhan Regional Assembly Borodaev V.V., Chairman of the Oryol Regional Duma Volodin N.A., Chairman of the State Duma of the Yamalo-Nenets Autonomous Okrug Korepanov S.E., Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of the Kamchatka Region M.B. Mashkovtsev, Chairman of the Bryansk Regional Duma S.N. Ponasov, Chairman of the Ryazan Regional Duma V.N. Fedotkin, Chairman of the Legislative Assembly of the Kemerovo Region A.A. Filatov. and etc.

14. Conclusion.

In my opinion, I considered the Communist Party of the Russian Federation unprincipledly. And I received food for thought. With all its scope, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is one of the ordinary parties. So they claim that when they come to power, they will change everything dramatically, change everything for the better. They will issue salaries, pensions, etc. They will boost industry, education, medicine, etc. But these statements of theirs are completely utopian. When the country is mired in debt and devastation, where can they get such a lot of money? This is simply not realistic, because all factories are standing or operating at only a quarter of their capacity. They also call for a return to the old regime, to transfer everything under the authority of the state. Why then did our people suffer so much? They propose to put under control the salaries of all government and non-government, high-ranking employees. Then what about democracy? When a person has achieved all this with his forehead and hard work, and someone has to decide for him how much he should receive for his work. It was only during Soviet times that workers received more bosses. Although you don’t need a lot of intelligence to swing a sledgehammer, but to unlearn, to make your way in a difficult life, you have to spend so much time, effort, and nerves. And constantly maintain your reputation, deal with the tax police, etc., look for opportunities to conclude a contract in order to pay the same workers for their work. And someone will indicate how much he should receive. Only people of the old communist school can reason this way. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is simply telling a beautiful fairy tale in its election campaign. Of course, there are positive aspects of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, but they are so insignificant and few in number. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is conducting a standard, dirty, slightly aggressive election campaign. Throwing mud at others, they do not think that by doing so they are spoiling their rating. Particularly ardent figures of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation declare that anyone who does not vote for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a coward, a fascist, and everything like that. But actually, even if it happens that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation comes to power, or rather if Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov becomes the President of the Russian Federation, then they will not be able to fundamentally change anything. After all, the people are no longer fooled by the idea of ​​building communism; they are already enjoying the fruits of democracy and a market economy. Although they say that there was money then, cheap prices, what could you buy with it then? And to earn a living wage, you could just go to work, not necessarily work at full capacity. And now you go into a store, and your soul rejoices at the large abundance of goods. And the population has an incentive to work. After all, now everything depends on the person. And when the communists come to power, they will try to return everything back. Russia will not survive the second coming of the communists.

15. List of used literature:

4. Abramov Yu. K. // Political parties and movements of Russia 1996.

political party, is the successor to the cause of the CPSU, aims to build socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, advocates democracy in the form of Soviets, strengthening the federal Russian state (recognizes the equality of all forms of property). It builds its work on the basis of a program and charter; all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution and legislation of the Russian Federation. Primary organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation operate in all regions, districts and cities of Russia without exception. The vertical structure of the party is supported by horizontal ones, consisting of councils of secretaries of primary, district and city organizations. Attributes of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation: red banner, anthem "International", emblem - hammer, sickle, book (symbol of the union of workers of the city, village, science and culture), motto - "Russia, labor, democracy, socialism." The highest body of the party is the congress, which elects the Central Committee and its chairman, who since 1993 has been G.A. Zyuganov. The party's printed organs are the newspapers Pravda, Pravda Rossii, and more than 30 regional newspapers. The Communist Party of the RSFSR as part of the CPSU was formed in June 1990 at a conference of Russian communists, transformed into the First (Founding) Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR. In June-September 1990, the Central Committee of the party was formed, headed by the First Secretary of the Central Committee I.P. Polozkov, who was soon replaced by V. Kuptsov. After the events of August 1991, communist organizations in Russia were banned. But in November 1992, the Constitutional Court of Russia overturned the ban on the Communist Party of the RSFSR. On February 13, 1993, the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR took place. The congress announced the resumption of the activities of the party, which became known as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In March 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was officially registered as a public organization. At the congress, the party's policy statement and its charter were adopted. The resolutions of the congress became the basis for the restoration and creation of primary, district, city, district, regional, regional and republican organizations of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, mobilization of communists to fight the ruling regime. In the context of the strengthening of authoritarian state power in Russia during the years of Putin’s presidency, economic growth, and improvement of the financial situation of people in the 2000s. Communist influence in the country declined. Gradually, the communists lost most of the governor's posts in the regions. After the 2004 presidential elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has consistently been in opposition to the socio-economic policies pursued by Putin.

Excellent definition

Incomplete definition ↓

COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION (CPRF)

one of the most influential political parties in modern Russia. The sector of the political field that the party traditionally occupies can be characterized as left - from elements of left radicalism to social democracy. Despite the relative homogeneity of the ideological platform, large national-radical and international-moderate ideological and political movements coexist in the party. The number of the party is at least 500 thousand members. The social base of the party consists mainly of middle-aged and elderly people (the average age of members is about 50 years). The party publishes more than 150 newspapers.

The party is built on a territorial principle. One of the few parties that has structures in all regions of the Russian Federation. The total number of primary organizations is about 26 thousand. Its governing bodies are the Central Committee - 143 members, 25 candidate members, the Presidium of the Central Committee - 17 members, the Secretariat - 5 members.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation operates on the principle of democratic centralism (mandatory implementation by the minority of all decisions of the majority). The highest body of the party is the congress, which meets at least once every three years. In the period between congresses, the party is led by the Central Committee, and in the intervals between plenums of the Central Committee, the Presidium of the Central Committee. Members of the Central Control and Audit Commission (CCRC), elected at the congress, can also participate in the work of the Central Committee. The Chairman of the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation since February 1993 is G. A. Zyuganov. The Presidium and Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation includes Yu. P. Belov, V. I. Zorkaltsev, V. A. Kuptsov (First Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation), V. P. Peshkov, M. S. Surkov, A. A. Shabanov and etc.

The main goals of the statutory activities are: propaganda of socialism as a society of social justice and freedom, collectivism, equality, genuine democracy in the form of Soviets; the formation of a market-oriented, socially oriented, environmentally friendly economy that guarantees a stable increase in the standard of living of the country; strengthening a federal multi-national state with equal rights for all subjects of the Russian Federation; the inextricable unity of human rights, complete equality of citizens of all nationalities throughout Russia, patriotism, friendship of peoples; ending armed conflicts, resolving controversial issues through political methods; protection of the interests of the working class, peasantry, intelligentsia, all working people.

FEDERAL AGENCY FOR EDUCATION

STATE EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTION

HIGHER PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION

"MOSCOW AVIATION INSTITUTE"

(STATE TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY)

"MAI"

UNIVERSITY OF THE FOREIGN LANGUAGES

Department I-04

"Public Relations and Mass Communications"

ABSTRACT

"POLITICAL PARTY KPRF"

Student of group 104

Pavlova O.N.

Checked

assistant Evsyukov I.S.

Introduction 3

Functions of political parties 4

Communist Party of the Russian Federation 5

Ideology 5

Party structure 5

Party and media 8

Finance of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation 8

Leader biography 9

CONCLUSION 11

LITERATURE 12

Introduction

Political parties are an integral part of the political system of a modern democratic society. Etymologically, “party” means “part”, “separateness”, an element of the political system.

THE CONSIGNMENT is a political public organization that fights for power or for participation in the exercise of power. Political Party- is an organization of like-minded people, representing the interests of citizens, social groups and classes and setting as its goal their implementation by conquering state power or participating in its implementation. The rivalry of political groups, united around influential families or popular leaders, has been a characteristic, essential feature of political history for many centuries. But such organizations, which we call political parties, arose in Europe and the USA at the beginning of the 19th century.

There are many approaches to defining the essence of political parties: understanding a party as a group of people adhering to the same ideological doctrine (B. Konstant.); interpretation of a political party as a spokesman for the interests of certain classes (Marxism); institutional understanding of a political party as an organization operating in the state system (M. Duverger).

Other approaches to defining parties: a party is the bearer of ideology; a party is a long-term association of people; the goal of the party is the conquest and exercise of power; The party seeks to gain the support of the people.

Functions of political parties

Political parties in modern societies perform the following functions:

representation - expression of the interests of certain groups of the population;

socialization - involving part of the population among its members and supporters;

ideological function - developing a political platform that is attractive to a certain part of society;

participation in the struggle for power - selection, promotion of political personnel and provision of conditions for their activities;

participation in the formation of political systems - their principles, elements, structures.

In modern political history, there are different types of party systems: bourgeois-democratic party system formed in Europe and North America in the 19th century. In its activities it is guided by the following rules: there is a legal struggle for power in society; power is exercised by a party or group of parties that have secured the support of a parliamentary majority; there is constant legal opposition; There is agreement among parties within the party system regarding the observance of these rules.

IN bourgeois system Many types of party coalitions have formed : multiparty coalition - none of the parties is able to achieve a competent majority ; bipartisan coalition - there are two strong parties, each of which is capable of independently exercising power; modified bipartisan coalition - none of the two main parties gathers an absolute majority and they are forced to cooperate with third parties; two-bloc coalition - two main blocs are fighting for power, and parties outside the blocs do not play a significant role; coalition of dominance - one party independently exercises power for a long period; cooperation coalition - the strongest parties cooperate for a long time and steadily in the exercise of power.

socialist party system there is only one legal party; the party leads the state at all levels of the state apparatus; the emergence of such a political system is associated with a crisis of democratic or authoritarian systems of government.

authoritarian party system This type of government is intermediate, with the dominant factor being the state rather than the party, which plays a secondary role in the process of exercising power. The existence of other parties is also allowed.

This classification experience is based precisely on what parties claim, as opposed to what they actually do. In the world of modern Russian politics, nothing is called by its own name: the political views that parties declare do not correspond to their names, the actions of parties do not correspond to their political views, and the views themselves say nothing about the interests of those individuals who demonstrate them.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation

Ideology

Communist Party of the Russian Federation (05/01/2009)

According to program documents, the party continues the work of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and, based on the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, has as its goal the construction of socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, advocates genuine democracy in the form of Soviets, the strengthening of a federal multinational state, is a party of patriots, internationalists, a party of friendship of peoples, defending communist ideals, defends the interests of the working class, peasantry, intelligentsia, and all working people.

A significant place in the program documents and works of the party leaders is occupied by the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people with its thousand-year history, with its qualities - “conciliarity and sovereignty, deep faith, ineradicable altruism and a decisive rejection of the commercial lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise,” "Russian question".

The ideological basis for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Marxism-Leninism and its creative development.

Party structure

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation builds its work on the basis of a program and charter. The party, all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the federal law “On Public Associations” and other laws of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a legal entity from the moment of state registration and carries out its activities in accordance with its statutory goals throughout the Russian Federation.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation creates its own regional, local and primary party organizations throughout the Russian Federation. The location of the permanent governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Moscow.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is a left-wing political party in the Russian Federation, the most massive of the Russian communist parties.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the Second Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) as the restored Communist Party of the RSFSR. The Communist Party of the RSFSR, in turn, was created in June 1990 as an association of members of the CPSU in the RSFSR. Its activities were suspended by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991 N 79 “On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR”, and then terminated by Presidential Decree of November 6, 1991 N 169; the possibility of its restoration in its previous form was excluded by Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation N 9- P dated November 30, 1992.

In August 1996, Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCRP V. Tyulkin sent an open letter to Zyuganov in which he wrote: “Knowing the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, taking into account the latest

actions of your party, recognizing the right of your organization to its special place in today’s political system, at the same time I ask you to consider removing the word “communist” from the name of your party, so as not to discredit the theory itself and not mislead working people. The appeal is completely rhetorical, but some of the formulations are successful.The Communist Party of the Russian Federation really has little in common now with communist ideology and occupies its special place in today's political system - on the left flank of the party in power.

It must be said that this place went to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation somewhere in early 1995. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the form in which it exists today appeared relatively late - at the beginning of 1993, on the basis of several small communist parties and the activists of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR . In October 1993, she faced her first serious test, but more or less retained face both before the authorities and (less) before the opposition, not taking part in the defense of the White House, but condemning the actions of the president. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered the Duma in 1993 with good results. However, the parties and movements with which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was blocked at the end of 1993 had already drifted to the right by 1995, becoming small satellites of the party in power; the future leader of the pro-government socialists, Ivan Rybkin, broke away from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation . The LDPR was guided by its own commercial interests. On the eve of the elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was forced to take a very cautious position so as not to give rise to disruption.

Zyuganov's presidential election campaign was characterized by oscillations from moderate anti-government rhetoric to a de facto pro-government position (for example, on the issue of Chechnya). In 1995-1996, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation finally took shape as part of the party in power, “looking after” the communist part of the Russian electorate (this was especially evident between the two rounds of the 1996 presidential elections).

The positions that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation occupied in the Duma from 1995 to 1999: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation refused to consider the issue of private property and began to consider the coexistence of state, public and private property “in one bottle” possible. Now she only opposes private ownership of land, believing that land should remain in public ownership. But “it can be transferred to public, farm and peasant farms for permanent, eternal, inheritable and rental ownership and use. Only household and dacha plots of land can be transferred to private ownership.”

After the transfer of power to the government of people's trust, private property will be preserved so that "the economy develops" ("...As followers of Ilyich,... we stand for a multi-structure economy." G. Zyuganov), but at the same time the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is meeting somehow “to establish self-government and control of labor collectives over production and distribution” under conditions of private property. In matters of state policy, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation takes a moderate national-patriotic position, putting forward as its main slogan “sovereignty, democracy, equality, spirituality and justice.” While advocating respect for rights and freedoms and limiting the powers of the president by parliament, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, however, advocates for “establishing order and tough actions in Chechnya (having abandoned the well-known right of nations to self-determination).

Thus, in general, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can be called social democratic with a significant leftist bias. Its main goal in the political struggle is to maintain its broad representation in parliament and (sometimes) to lobby the interests of pro-communist businessmen. The main electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are residents of small towns and rural areas, mainly pensioners and young people, who vote not for the program, but for the name. As sociologists say, “the electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is least susceptible to PR manipulation, since they vote not for Zyuganov or against Putin, but for communism, for the name “Communist Party.” The Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not have much influence among workers and it itself admits this; it does not know how to work in megacities , and it was their votes that determined the results, for example, of the second round of the presidential elections in 1996. In the regional elections of 1996, 14 governors nominated by the PPSR were elected, but this victory was achieved at the expense of regions that traditionally vote for the “left”.

The failure in the 2003 elections showed that the party urgently needs to change its election platform and program, since the old slogans, even somewhat democratized, no longer find a response in Russian society. There are fewer and fewer people who vote not for a leader or a program, but for the word “communist.”

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not have any popular regional leaders. Some business executives from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation moved to the right within the party in power, for example, Luzhkov’s right hand V. Shantsev.

The electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will most likely continue to decrease over the next four years, but among supporters from among officials and managers, as well as in the apparatus of the party itself, stratification will most likely deepen: the bulk will remain in the bosom of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the most influential (about one tenth) will “move” to the right (not very far), and the radical left (also about one tenth) will move to the extreme left (Tyulkin’s party, etc.). Thus, the leadership should expect an even lower result in the 2007 elections.

The process of consolidation of various associations, caused by the Law “On Political Parties,” may finally fulfill the long-standing dream of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and put an end to multi-partyism among Russian communists. From the very moment this law was approved, it was obvious that the current communist associations of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Russian Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Russian Communist Party of the Soviet Union would not be able to recruit the required number of members and regional branches. However, the last point in the history of the existence of small communist parties will be put by amendments to the Law “On Basic Guarantees of Citizens' Electoral Rights,” developed by the Central Election Commission and submitted to the State Duma by the president in August.

Party and media

Party press - the newspaper "Pravda", more than 30 regional publications, the internal "Bulletin of organizational, party and personnel work." Previously, the weekly “Pravda Rossii” and the magazine “Political Education” were published, and the radio “Resonance” was friendly.

The largest friendly newspaper is “Soviet Russia”; until 2004, the newspaper “Zavtra” was friendly. Since its founding, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has been represented sparingly in the most widely circulated print media, on TV and major radio stations, although not without hesitation. History textbooks and most media do not mention, for example, the abolition by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of a number of provisions of B. N. Yeltsin’s decree banning the Communist Party of the RSFSR, the claim of election fraud in 2003, active party building (over the past 4-5 years in 10-15 thousand young people join the Communist Party of the Russian Federation annually).

Finances of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

According to the financial report of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation provided to the Central Election Commission, in 2006 the party received 127,453,237 rubles in the form of funds to carry out its statutory activities. Of them:

29% - came from membership fees

30% - federal budget funds

6% - donations

35% - other income

In 2006, the party spent 116,823,489 rubles. Of them:

21% - for propaganda activities (information, advertising, publishing, printing)

7% - preparation and conduct of elections and referendums

Leader biography

Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov was born. June 26, 1944, in a teacher’s family in the village of Mymrino (about 100 km from Orel). Father, Andrei Mikhailovich Zyuganov (d. 1990), was an artillery crew commander, after the war he taught most subjects at the Mymrinskaya secondary school, including the basics of agriculture, excluding foreign and Russian languages ​​and literature. Mother - Marfa Petrovna, born in 1915 - taught in the primary classes of the Mymrinskaya school.

After graduating with a silver medal from the Mymrinsky secondary school in the Khotynetsky district of the Oryol region in 1961, he worked there as a teacher for a year. In 1962 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, which he graduated with honors in 1969. In 1963-1966. served in the Soviet Army in radiation-chemical reconnaissance of a group of Soviet troops in Germany (currently - reserve colonel). He taught physics and mathematics at a university. At the same time, he was engaged in trade union, Komsomol, and party work. In 1966 he joined the CPSU. Since 1967, he has been involved in Komsomol work, working in elected positions at the district, city and regional levels.

After graduating from the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, he taught there from 1969 to 1970. From 1972 to 1974 he worked as the first secretary of the Oryol regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1974-1983 he was secretary of the district committee, second secretary of the Oryol city committee of the CPSU, then head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Oryol regional committee of the CPSU. At the same time in 73-77. was a deputy of the Oryol City Council, from 80 to 83 - a deputy of the Oryol Regional Council of Deputies. From 1978 to 1980 he studied at the main department of the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, and completed his graduate studies as an external student. In 1980 he defended his Ph.D. thesis.

In 1983-1989, Zyuganov worked in the department of agitation and propaganda of the CPSU Central Committee as an instructor and head of the sector. In 1989-1990 he was deputy head of the ideological department of the CPSU Central Committee. Delegate to the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (June 1990) and, accordingly, as a representative of the RSFSR - the Founding Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (June-September 1990).

After the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR in June 1990, at the 1st founding congress, he was elected a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, chairman of the Standing Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR on humanitarian and ideological problems, and in September 1990 - secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.

In July 1991, together with a number of well-known government, political and public figures, he signed the “Word to the People” appeal. In August 1991, he was nominated as a candidate in the elections of the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but withdrew his candidacy in favor of V. A. Kuptsov due to the lack of experience in parliamentary work.

In December 1991, he was co-opted into the coordinating council of the Russian All-People's Union. At the same time he was elected a member of the coordinating council of the Fatherland movement. On June 12-13, 1992, he participated in the 1st Council (Congress) of the Russian National Council (RNC), and became a member of the presidium of the Council.

In October 1992, he joined the organizing committee of the National Salvation Front (NSF). At the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CP RSFSR) on February 13-14, 1993, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the party, and at the first organizational plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - Chairman of the Central Executive Committee.

On July 25-26, 1993, he took part in the II Congress of the National Salvation Front in Moscow. From 20:00 on September 21, 1993 - after Boris Yeltsin’s speech announcing the dissolution of parliament - he was in the House of Soviets, speaking at rallies. On October 3, he appeared on air at VGTRK, calling on the population of Moscow to refrain from participating in rallies and clashes with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

In April-May 1994, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the “Concord in the Name of Russia” movement. On January 21-22, 1995, at the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he became chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. On December 17, 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

On March 4, 1996, he was registered as a candidate for President of the Russian Federation. On June 16, 1996, the presidential elections of the Russian Federation took place. The candidacy of Gennady Zyuganov was supported by 31.96 percent of the votes of voters who took part in the voting. On July 3, 1996, during the voting in the second round of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, 40.41% of voters voted for Zyuganov’s candidacy. In August 1996, he was elected chairman of the coordination council of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, which included parties and movements that supported G. A. Zyuganov in the presidential elections.

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

In 2000, in the Russian presidential elections he received 29.21% of the votes. In January 2001, at the plenum of the Council of the SKP-CPSU, he was elected chairman of the council of the Union of Communist Parties.

In 2003, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation, in 2007 - as a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation.

Zyuganov missed the 2004 presidential elections, where the party was represented by Nikolai Kharitonov, and took part in the 2008 elections, taking second place after Dmitry Medvedev (according to official data, more than 13 million votes, or 17.7% of those who took part in the elections).

Author of a series of monographs. He defended his doctoral dissertation in philosophy on the topic “Main trends and mechanism of socio-political changes in modern Russia.” In 1996-2004 he headed the People's Patriotic Union of Russia. Since 2001 he has headed the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

CONCLUSION

Over the first few years of the new millennium, Russia has made significant progress towards the formation of a party system. A multi-party system has existed in our country since the early 90s, but the party system is still in its infancy.

Parties are constantly developing, waging political struggle among themselves, they are developing, uniting and developing joint positions. To increase influence on government structures and to promote their representatives to government structures.

The establishment of a multi-party system in the country is difficult and contradictory. It is still far from those civilized frameworks that experts and adherents of Western democracy dream of. More often than not, it happens that parties arise, are registered, and sometimes even disappear, but no one knows who is behind them, who supports them. And this is the main problem of many groups that claim the right to be called parties.

But one thing is clear - the revival of Russia requires not just the interaction of parties, but also the interaction of simply political forces. They must cooperate with each other on reasonable terms.

LITERATURE

Reshetnev, S.A. On the issue of classification of political parties in Russia [text]/S.A. Reshetnev // Kommersant power. - 2004. - No. 3. - P. 2-4

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Political party "Communist Party of the Russian Federation"(abbreviated as Communist Party of the Russian Federation) - left opposition parliamentary Political Party Russia

Brief history of the party

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the Second Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) on the basis of the primary organizations of the Communist Party of the RSFSR as the All-Russian public organization "Communist Party of the Russian Federation" - the successor of the CPSU and was officially registered in March of the same year. Later transformed into a political party. Ideological continuity with the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR is enshrined in the Charter of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the party program adopted at its XIII Congress.

The Second Congress is also called unification and restoration, since in accordance with the decision of the Constitutional Court, B. Yeltsin’s ban on primary organizations - party cells of the Communist Party of the RSFSR was lifted. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation arose as a party created on the basis of these primary organizations. In addition, the parties that emerged in 1991-1992 were also expected to unite with it. on the membership base of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR.

During the events of October 1993, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation spoke out in support of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation, but its structures have not taken part since the events of October 3 and 4. G. Zyuganov appealed to his supporters with a request to abandon active protests in order to avoid senseless victims. As a result of these events, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was again banned from October 4-18, 1993. On the eve of the December elections to the State Duma and the referendum on the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation wanted to be removed from the elections for criticizing the draft Constitution, but they did not do this.

According to the voting results on December 12, 1993, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took third place after the LDPR and Russia's Choice, receiving 12.40% of the votes and, taking into account single-mandate deputies, 42 mandates. At the same time, an additional part of the representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and its political allies became deputies on the list of the Agrarian Party of Russia.

In the elections of December 17, 1995, the list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation took first place, receiving 22.30% of the vote and 157 mandates (99 in the proportional system and 58 in single-mandate constituencies).

In February - March 1996, to support G.A. Zyuganov, in the elections of the President of the Russian Federation, a Bloc of People's Patriotic Forces was formed, headed by the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In this election, G.A. Zyuganov lost to B.N. Yeltsin with a slight lag (40.31% and 53.82%, respectively).

In the summer of 1998, the Duma faction of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the deputies supporting it began the procedure for the removal of Russian President B.N. Yeltsin from office. However, during the voting of deputies in 1999, none of the five charges received the required 300 votes.

In the 2000s. a period of decline in the popularity of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation begins, which is associated not only with the characteristics of the party itself, but also with the formation of a party system with one dominant party. In the State Duma elections in 2003, the Communists received only 12.8% of the votes and 51 seats. The Rodina bloc, created in September 2003, took away a significant part of the votes from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. In the next elections in 2007, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation received only 11.57% of the votes and 57 seats.

At this time there were attempts at rapprochement with the right-wing liberal parties, which, however, did not bring any particular results. In 2004, party leader G. A. Zyuganov stated that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation should be ready for a tactical alliance with the “liberals.” It was proposed to base it on the principle of “walking apart, striking together.” However, the creation of such a union was complicated by differences on issues such as the removal of Lenin’s body from the mausoleum and the rehabilitation of Stalin. By 2007, the opinion began to emerge in the Communist Party of the Russian Federation that an alliance with the “liberals” was a “compromise”.

This period also includes several splits and departures from the party. In 2002, after a conflict with the Duma faction of Unity, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation decided to vacate its leadership positions in the State Duma. Speaker of the Duma G. Seleznev, chairmen of committees N. Gubenko and S. Goryacheva did not obey the decision and were expelled from the faction and party. In 2004, the head of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, G. Semigin, was expelled from the party. The opposition to Gennady Zyuganov as the leader of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was led by the Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Governor of the Ivanovo Region V. Tikhonov. In June 2004, two Central Committee Plenums were held simultaneously in Moscow, and two party congresses were held in July. The congress, held by supporters of V. Tikhonov, was declared invalid, and V. Tikhonov himself and his supporters were expelled from the party. In 2008, a story occurred related to the refusal of delegates from St. Petersburg to participate in the 13th Party Congress and known as the “new Leningrad case.” As a result, the St. Petersburg City Committee was dissolved, three of its leaders were expelled from the party, and three regional organizations were liquidated. These events were widely discussed on the Internet, including on the website of the Moscow organization of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. As a result of this whole story, the first secretary of the MGO of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, D. Ulas, was reprimanded, he himself was removed from this post, and the bureau of the MGC was dissolved. Other regional leaders were also suspended. In July 2010, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation itself, district branches, and part of the old district branches were dissolved. Opponents of the dissolution of the city committee, however, did not agree with this decision and announced the falsification of the plenum of the Central Committee.

Organizational structure and party members

In 2010, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation had 152,844 party members. This is significantly less than in the 1990s. (in 1999, the party had approximately 500 thousand members, in 2006, according to party leader G.A. Zyuganov, the party numbered only 184 thousand, while 48% of party members were over 60 years old, 43% were over 30 up to 60, and only 7% are under 30 years old). Party leaders admit that the main problems of the party are the replenishment of party ranks, their rejuvenation and the preparation of a personnel reserve.

There was a reduction in the number of members of the deputy faction in the State Duma of the Russian Federation and the number of officials - members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Success in gubernatorial elections in the 1990s. led to the fact that representatives and nominees of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation headed a number of subjects of the Russian Federation, and these subjects themselves formed the so-called. “red belt” (with a high level of support from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation). However, in the 2000s, some current governors left or were expelled from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and joined United Russia (A. Mikhailov, A. Tkachev) and currently there are no governors who are members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (the governor of the Vladimir region N. Vinogradov suspended his membership in party in 2008).

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation had its own factions in all compositions of the State Duma of the Russian Federation. In 1998-1999, party representative Y. Maslyukov was the first deputy prime minister in the government of E. Primakov.

The governing body of the party, according to the charter, is the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF Central Committee). The Central Committee develops documents on the most important issues based on the party program and decisions of congresses. The Chairman of the Central Committee is G.A. Zyuganov, the first deputy is I.I. Melnikov.

The central bodies of the party also include the Presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The Presidium is elected to resolve political and organizational issues in the period between plenums of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. To organize the current work and monitor the implementation of decisions of the central bodies of the party, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation elects a secretariat, reporting to the presidium.

The party also has a supreme supervisory body - the Central Control and Audit Commission (CCRK) of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which monitors compliance by members and structural units of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation with the charter. This body also considers appeals by members of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation against certain decisions of higher authorities.

The creation of factions is prohibited in the party, and party discipline is strictly controlled.

The printed organ of the party is the newspaper Pravda. In addition, the party has an internal “Bulletin of organizational, party and personnel work”; magazine "Political Education" and more than 30 regional publications.

A friendly youth organization is the Union of Communist Youth.

Ideological and political position of the party

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a force in opposition to the authorities, sharply criticizes the current political course and the government of V. Putin. Despite this, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved a number of actions in the field of foreign policy. For example, in 2008, after the armed conflict in South Ossetia, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation approved military action and recognition of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation opposes the expansion of NATO and the deployment of American missile defense in Eastern Europe.

He calls his strategic goal in the long term the construction of “renewed socialism” in Russia in three stages. In the short term, it sets itself the following goals: the coming to power of “patriotic forces”, the nationalization of mineral resources and strategic sectors of the economy while preserving small and medium-sized businesses, and strengthening the social orientation of state policy.

In the 2008 party program, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is declared to be the only political organization that consistently defends the rights of wage earners and national-state interests. The program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation states that the party is guided by the Marxist-Leninist teaching and creatively develops it, based on the experience and achievements of domestic and world science and culture. However, a significant place in the program documents and works of party leaders is occupied by “the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people” with its qualities - “conciliarity and sovereignty, deep faith, ineradicable altruism and a decisive rejection of the commercial lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise.”

Political parties are an integral part of the political system of a modern democratic society. Etymologically, “party” means “part”, “separateness”, an element of the political system.

THE CONSIGNMENT is a political public organization that fights for power or for participation in the exercise of power. Political Party- is an organization of like-minded people, representing the interests of citizens, social groups and classes and setting as its goal their implementation by conquering state power or participating in its implementation. The rivalry of political groups, united around influential families or popular leaders, has been a characteristic, essential feature of political history for many centuries. But such organizations, which we call political parties, arose in Europe and the USA at the beginning of the 19th century.

There are many approaches to defining the essence of political parties: understanding a party as a group of people adhering to the same ideological doctrine (B. Konstant.); interpretation of a political party as a spokesman for the interests of certain classes (Marxism); institutional understanding of a political party as an organization operating in the state system (M. Duverger).

Other approaches to defining parties: a party is the bearer of ideology; a party is a long-term association of people; the goal of the party is the conquest and exercise of power; The party seeks to gain the support of the people.

Functions of political parties

Political parties in modern societies perform the following functions:

· representation - expression of the interests of certain groups of the population;

· socialization - involving part of the population among its members and supporters;

· ideological function - developing a political platform that is attractive to a certain part of society;

· participation in the struggle for power - selection, promotion of political personnel and provision of conditions for their activities;

· participation in the formation of political systems - their principles, elements, structures.

In modern political history, there are different types of party systems: bourgeois-democratic party system formed in Europe and North America in the 19th century. In its activities it is guided by the following rules: there is a legal struggle for power in society; power is exercised by a party or group of parties that have secured the support of a parliamentary majority; there is constant legal opposition; There is agreement among parties within the party system regarding the observance of these rules.

IN bourgeois system Many types of party coalitions have formed : multiparty coalition - none of the parties is able to achieve a competent majority ; bipartisan coalition - there are two strong parties, each of which is capable of independently exercising power; modified bipartisan coalition - none of the two main parties gathers an absolute majority and they are forced to cooperate with third parties; two-bloc coalition - two main blocs are fighting for power, and parties outside the blocs do not play a significant role; coalition of dominance - one party independently exercises power for a long period; cooperation coalition - the strongest parties cooperate for a long time and steadily in the exercise of power.

socialist party system there is only one legal party; the party leads the state at all levels of the state apparatus; the emergence of such a political system is associated with a crisis of democratic or authoritarian systems of government.

authoritarian party system This type of government is intermediate, with the dominant factor being the state rather than the party, which plays a secondary role in the process of exercising power. The existence of other parties is also allowed.

This classification experience is based precisely on what parties claim, as opposed to what they actually do. In the world of modern Russian politics, nothing is called by its own name: the political views that parties declare do not correspond to their names, the actions of parties do not correspond to their political views, and the views themselves say nothing about the interests of those individuals who demonstrate them.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation

Communist Party of the Russian Federation (05/01/2009)

According to program documents, the party continues the work of the CPSU and the Communist Party of the RSFSR, and, based on the creative development of Marxism-Leninism, has as its goal the construction of socialism - a society of social justice on the principles of collectivism, freedom, equality, advocates genuine democracy in the form of Soviets, the strengthening of a federal multinational state, is a party of patriots, internationalists, a party of friendship of peoples, defending communist ideals, defends the interests of the working class, peasantry, intelligentsia, and all working people.

A significant place in the program documents and works of the party leaders is occupied by the confrontation between the new world order and the Russian people with its thousand-year history, with its qualities - “conciliarity and sovereignty, deep faith, ineradicable altruism and a decisive rejection of the commercial lures of the bourgeois, liberal-democratic paradise,” "Russian question".

The ideological basis for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Marxism-Leninism and its creative development.

Party structure

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation builds its work on the basis of a program and charter. The party, all its organizations and bodies operate within the framework of the Constitution of the Russian Federation, the federal law “On Public Associations” and other laws of the Russian Federation. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation is a legal entity from the moment of state registration and carries out its activities in accordance with its statutory goals throughout the Russian Federation.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation creates its own regional, local and primary party organizations throughout the Russian Federation. The location of the permanent governing body of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is Moscow.

Communist Party of the Russian Federation(KPRF) is a left-wing political party in the Russian Federation, the most massive of the Russian communist parties.

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation was formed at the Second Extraordinary Congress of Communists of Russia (February 13-14, 1993) as the restored Communist Party of the RSFSR. The Communist Party of the RSFSR, in turn, was created in June 1990 as an association of members of the CPSU in the RSFSR. Its activities were suspended by Decree of the President of the Russian Federation of August 23, 1991 N 79 “On the suspension of the activities of the Communist Party of the RSFSR”, and then terminated by Presidential Decree of November 6, 1991 N 169; the possibility of its restoration in its previous form was excluded by Resolution of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation N 9-P dated November 30, 1992.

In August 1996, Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCRP V. Tyulkin sent an open letter to Zyuganov in which he wrote: “Knowing the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, taking into account the latest

actions of your party, recognizing the right of your organization to its special place in today’s political system, at the same time I ask you to consider removing the word “communist” from the name of your party, so as not to discredit the theory itself and not mislead working people. The appeal is completely rhetorical, but some of the formulations are successful.The Communist Party of the Russian Federation really has little in common now with communist ideology and occupies its special place in today's political system - on the left flank of the party in power.

It must be said that this place went to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation somewhere in early 1995. The Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the form in which it exists today appeared relatively late - at the beginning of 1993, on the basis of several small communist parties and the activists of the former Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR . In October 1993, she faced her first serious test, but more or less retained face both before the authorities and (less) before the opposition, not taking part in the defense of the White House, but condemning the actions of the president. As a result, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation entered the Duma in 1993 with good results. However, the parties and movements with which the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was blocked at the end of 1993 had already drifted to the right by 1995, becoming small satellites of the party in power; the future leader of the pro-government socialists, Ivan Rybkin, broke away from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation . The LDPR was guided by its own commercial interests. On the eve of the elections, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was forced to take a very cautious position so as not to give rise to disruption.

Zyuganov's presidential election campaign was characterized by oscillations from moderate anti-government rhetoric to a de facto pro-government position (for example, on the issue of Chechnya). In 1995-1996, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation finally took shape as part of the party in power, “looking after” the communist part of the Russian electorate (this was especially evident between the two rounds of the 1996 presidential elections).

The positions that the Communist Party of the Russian Federation occupied in the Duma from 1995 to 1999: The Communist Party of the Russian Federation refused to consider the issue of private property and began to consider the coexistence of state, public and private property “in one bottle” possible. Now she only opposes private ownership of land, believing that land should remain in public ownership. But “it can be transferred to public, farm and peasant farms for permanent, eternal, inheritable and rental ownership and use. Only household and dacha plots of land can be transferred to private ownership.”

After the transfer of power to the government of people's trust, private property will be preserved so that "the economy develops" ("...As followers of Ilyich,... we stand for a multi-structure economy." G. Zyuganov), but at the same time the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is meeting somehow “to establish self-government and control of labor collectives over production and distribution” under conditions of private property. In matters of state policy, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation takes a moderate national-patriotic position, putting forward as its main slogan “sovereignty, democracy, equality, spirituality and justice.” While advocating respect for rights and freedoms and limiting the powers of the president by parliament, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, however, advocates for “establishing order and tough actions in Chechnya (having abandoned the well-known right of nations to self-determination).

Thus, in general, the program of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation can be called social democratic with a significant leftist bias. Its main goal in the political struggle is to maintain its broad representation in parliament and (sometimes) to lobby the interests of pro-communist businessmen. The main electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation are residents of small towns and rural areas, mainly pensioners and young people, who vote not for the program, but for the name. As sociologists say, “the electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation is least susceptible to PR manipulation, since they vote not for Zyuganov or against Putin, but for communism, for the name “Communist Party.” The Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not have much influence among workers and it itself admits this; it does not know how to work in megacities , and it was their votes that determined the results, for example, of the second round of the presidential elections in 1996. In the regional elections of 1996, 14 governors nominated by the PPSR were elected, but this victory was achieved at the expense of regions that traditionally vote for the “left”.

The failure in the 2003 elections showed that the party urgently needs to change its election platform and program, since the old slogans, even somewhat democratized, no longer find a response in Russian society. There are fewer and fewer people who vote not for a leader or a program, but for the word “communist.”

The Communist Party of the Russian Federation does not have any popular regional leaders. Some business executives from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation moved to the right within the party in power, for example, Luzhkov’s right hand V. Shantsev.

The electorate of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will most likely continue to decrease over the next four years, but among supporters from among officials and managers, as well as in the apparatus of the party itself, stratification will most likely deepen: the bulk will remain in the bosom of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the most influential (about one tenth) will “move” to the right (not very far), and the radical left (also about one tenth) will move to the extreme left (Tyulkin’s party, etc.). Thus, the leadership should expect an even lower result in the 2007 elections.

The process of consolidation of various associations, caused by the Law “On Political Parties,” may finally fulfill the long-standing dream of the leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and put an end to multi-partyism among Russian communists. From the very moment this law was approved, it was obvious that the current communist associations of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks), the Russian Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Russian Communist Party of the Soviet Union would not be able to recruit the required number of members and regional branches. However, the last point in the history of the existence of small communist parties will be put by amendments to the Law “On Basic Guarantees of Citizens' Electoral Rights,” developed by the Central Election Commission and submitted to the State Duma by the president in August.

Party press - the newspaper "Pravda", more than 30 regional publications, the internal "Bulletin of organizational, party and personnel work." Previously, the weekly “Pravda Rossii” and the magazine “Political Education” were published, and the radio “Resonance” was friendly.

The largest friendly newspaper is “Soviet Russia”; until 2004, the newspaper “Zavtra” was friendly. Since its founding, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation has been represented sparingly in the most widely circulated print media, on TV and major radio stations, although not without hesitation. History textbooks and most media do not mention, for example, the abolition by the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation of a number of provisions of B. N. Yeltsin’s decree banning the Communist Party of the RSFSR, the claim of election fraud in 2003, active party building (over the past 4-5 years in 10-15 thousand young people join the Communist Party of the Russian Federation annually).

Finances of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation

According to the financial report of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation provided to the Central Election Commission, in 2006 the party received 127,453,237 rubles in the form of funds to carry out its statutory activities. Of them:

29% - came from membership fees

30% - federal budget funds

6% - donations

35% - other income

In 2006, the party spent 116,823,489 rubles. Of them:

21% - for propaganda activities (information, advertising, publishing, printing)

7% - preparation and conduct of elections and referendums

Leader biography

Gennady Andreevich Zyuganov was born. June 26, 1944, in a teacher’s family in the village of Mymrino (about 100 km from Orel). Father, Andrei Mikhailovich Zyuganov (d. 1990), was an artillery crew commander, after the war he taught most subjects at the Mymrinskaya secondary school, including the basics of agriculture, excluding foreign and Russian languages ​​and literature. Mother - Marfa Petrovna, born in 1915 - taught in the primary classes of the Mymrinskaya school.

After graduating with a silver medal from the Mymrinsky secondary school in the Khotynetsky district of the Oryol region in 1961, he worked there as a teacher for a year. In 1962 he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, which he graduated with honors in 1969. In 1963-1966. served in the Soviet Army in radiation-chemical reconnaissance of a group of Soviet troops in Germany (currently - reserve colonel). He taught physics and mathematics at a university. At the same time, he was engaged in trade union, Komsomol, and party work. In 1966 he joined the CPSU. Since 1967, he has been involved in Komsomol work, working in elected positions at the district, city and regional levels.

After graduating from the Oryol Pedagogical Institute, he taught there from 1969 to 1970. From 1972 to 1974 he worked as the first secretary of the Oryol regional committee of the Komsomol. In 1974-1983 he was secretary of the district committee, second secretary of the Oryol city committee of the CPSU, then head of the propaganda and agitation department of the Oryol regional committee of the CPSU. At the same time in 73-77. was a deputy of the Oryol City Council, from 80 to 83 - a deputy of the Oryol Regional Council of Deputies. From 1978 to 1980 he studied at the main department of the Academy of Social Sciences under the Central Committee of the CPSU, and completed his graduate studies as an external student. In 1980 he defended his Ph.D. thesis.

In 1983-1989, Zyuganov worked in the department of agitation and propaganda of the CPSU Central Committee as an instructor and head of the sector. In 1989-1990 he was deputy head of the ideological department of the CPSU Central Committee. Delegate to the XXVIII Congress of the CPSU (June 1990) and, accordingly, as a representative of the RSFSR - the Founding Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (June-September 1990).

After the creation of the Communist Party of the RSFSR in June 1990, at the 1st founding congress, he was elected a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, chairman of the Standing Commission of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR on humanitarian and ideological problems, and in September 1990 - secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR.

In July 1991, together with a number of well-known government, political and public figures, he signed the “Word to the People” appeal. In August 1991, he was nominated as a candidate in the elections of the 1st Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the RSFSR, but withdrew his candidacy in favor of V. A. Kuptsov due to the lack of experience in parliamentary work.

In December 1991, he was co-opted into the coordinating council of the Russian All-People's Union. At the same time he was elected a member of the coordinating council of the Fatherland movement. On June 12-13, 1992, he participated in the 1st council (congress) of the Russian National Council (RNC), and became a member of the presidium of the cathedral.

In October 1992, he joined the organizing committee of the National Salvation Front (NSF). At the Second Extraordinary Congress of the Communist Party of the RSFSR (CP RSFSR) on February 13-14, 1993, he was elected a member of the Central Executive Committee of the party, and at the first organizational plenum of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation - Chairman of the Central Executive Committee.

On July 25-26, 1993, he took part in the II Congress of the National Salvation Front in Moscow. From 20:00 on September 21, 1993 - after Boris Yeltsin’s speech announcing the dissolution of parliament - he was in the House of Soviets, speaking at rallies. On October 3, he appeared on air at VGTRK, calling on the population of Moscow to refrain from participating in rallies and clashes with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

On December 12, 1993, he was elected to the State Duma of the first convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

In April-May 1994, he was one of the initiators of the creation of the “Concord in the Name of Russia” movement. On January 21-22, 1995, at the III Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, he became chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. On December 17, 1995, he was elected to the State Duma of the second convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

On March 4, 1996, he was registered as a candidate for President of the Russian Federation. On June 16, 1996, the presidential elections of the Russian Federation took place. The candidacy of Gennady Zyuganov was supported by 31.96 percent of the votes of voters who took part in the voting. On July 3, 1996, during the voting in the second round of the presidential elections in the Russian Federation, 40.41% of voters voted for Zyuganov’s candidacy. In August 1996, he was elected chairman of the coordination council of the People's Patriotic Union of Russia, which included parties and movements that supported G. A. Zyuganov in the presidential elections.

On December 19, 1999, he was elected to the State Duma of the third convocation on the federal list of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation.

In 2000, in the Russian presidential elections he received 29.21% of the votes. In January 2001, at the plenum of the Council of the SKP-CPSU, he was elected chairman of the council of the Union of Communist Parties.

In 2003, he was elected as a deputy of the State Duma of the fourth convocation, in 2007 - as a deputy of the State Duma of the fifth convocation.

Zyuganov missed the 2004 presidential elections, where the party was represented by Nikolai Kharitonov, and took part in the 2008 elections, taking second place after Dmitry Medvedev (according to official data, more than 13 million votes, or 17.7% of those who took part in the elections).

Author of a series of monographs. He defended his doctoral dissertation in philosophy on the topic “Main trends and mechanism of socio-political changes in modern Russia.” In 1996-2004 he headed the People's Patriotic Union of Russia. Since 2001 he has headed the Union of Communist Parties - the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

CONCLUSION

Over the first few years of the new millennium, Russia has made significant progress towards the formation of a party system. A multi-party system has existed in our country since the early 90s, but the party system is still in its infancy.

Parties are constantly developing, waging political struggle among themselves, they are developing, uniting and developing joint positions. To increase influence on government structures and to promote their representatives to government structures.

The establishment of a multi-party system in the country is difficult and contradictory. It is still far from those civilized frameworks that experts and adherents of Western democracy dream of. More often than not, it happens that parties arise, are registered, and sometimes even disappear, but no one knows who is behind them, who supports them. And this is the main problem of many groups that claim the right to be called parties.

But one thing is clear - the revival of Russia requires not just the interaction of parties, but also the interaction of simply political forces. They must cooperate with each other on reasonable terms.

LITERATURE

1. Reshetnev, S.A. On the issue of classification of political parties in Russia [text]/S.A. Reshetnev // Kommersant power. - 2004. - No. 3. - P. 2-4

3. http://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9A%D0%9F%D0%A0%D0%A4

4. Dugin A. Left project // Russian newspaper. - 2003. - March 26.5. Sumbatyan Yu. G. Political regimes in the modern world: comparative analysis. Educational and methodological manual. - M., 1999.